Western Cape Independence

I Support Cape Independence, you should too

Regular viewers of this channel might be surprised as to this video. Why is Springtime of Nation’s least pan secessionist member narrating a video on the Western Cape and its drive to secede from the Republic of South Africa? While the Western Cape is arguably nowhere near as sympathetic or sexy as Scottish or French-Canadian independence, it is arguably one of the most important movements and nations of our time. If successful, the Western Cape will play an ever more important role in African liberty and her development.

Part One: Failure

It was a beautiful spring day in April of 1994. Black South Africa, long dominated by a white minority, had finally seen its great leader assume the presidency of the Republic. After four long years of contentious negotiations, South Africa’s people finally elected a government that was reflective of the whims and passions of its people. In the ensuing years, the country seemed to blossom. The vast black majority was finally tasting the fruits of prosperity. In the first 10 to 15 years of ANC rule, GDP per capita grew at an astounding rate. Blacks were now getting access to quality education, robust public services, decent healthcare, and welfare payments. Contrary to the expectations of many whites, there was no retribution. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission seemed to draw a line under apartheid. Few people were jailed, and many had their sins washed away. There was no longer any white supremacy, but life for whites (especially the wealthy) seemed mostly the same. Up until the mid 2010s, it seemed as if this multiracial African democracy was going to take its place among the world powers. A prosperous example of black excellence and liberal morality. However, this happiness was not to last. In the early years of ANC rule, Nelson Mandela and his government had the benefit of deep institutional memory. Despite its venal tendencies, Afrikaner nationalists ran a tight ship and knew how to operate a government. Much of the ANC’s new social democratic agenda utilized the expertise of white civil servants. However, as these old and bitter white men began retiring, there came the need to train a new governing class. Unfortunately, this new governing class was not carved out of a meritocracy. The ANC, for all its fine attributes, was a Marxist-Leninist Party with a developed network of cadres and comrades. And while the party is home to the country’s best and brightest, there were enough bad eggs and incompetent stooges that had no qualms in blurring the line between party and state. Unsurprisingly, as many of South Africa’s independent institutions were slowly being blended with the ANC, the standard of public administration began to decline gradually. For a while, this didn’t matter. If the economy kept humming and the wealth continued to be redistributed from rich to poor, most voters were satisfied with keeping the ANC in power. The ANC even embraced market economics! Unfortunately, these good times were not to last. The 2008 recession had hit South Africa hard and people who had experienced a few years of economic sunshine were now back to square one. Like all advanced economies, the ensuing recovery was slow and joyless. Moreover, the tolls of ANC government were now making itself clear. 

Part Two: Sanctuary

Rolling blackouts, crime, land expropriation (sometimes without compensation), and economic stagnation have been the hallmarks of the second half of ANC rule. The ANC’s white sympathizers and western influencers continue to justify and rationalize their support for an incompetent regime by often bringing up the old wounds of apartheid. In response, in 2007 a small group of west Cape residents founded the Cape Party, kicking off a movement for an independent province in the south-westmost corner of SA. Despite its strongest support coming from the province’s mixed-race plurality, the Western Cape’s Independence movement has been tarnished at home and abroad as an attempt to recreate a white state in Africa. For many liberals and social democrats, Cape Independence is the barely concealed attempt to restore apartheid. These allegations have no substance but do have a grain of truth. Two of the movement’s leaders, Robert King and Phil Craig, are English South Africans with a strong affection for their homeland. Despite this, support for Cape independence has grown tremendously with the last poll conducted putting it at 46% support. Most of this support comes from the mixed-race plurality and 72% of supporters vote for the Democratic Alliance, South Africa’s official opposition party. Cape independence is no longer a fringe movement, but an emerging political movement that threatens to wrest economic and political power from the ANC.

The Western Cape is arguably a sanctuary for South Africans that are excluded or dissatisfied with their country’s current dispensation. Whereas the ANC is an ideologically muddled black liberationist party, the Western Cape is ruled by the non-racialist and liberal Democratic Alliance. Cape Town draws in millions of tourists with its outstanding natural beauty, including the gorgeous Table Mountain that overlooks the city. Further inland, you’ll see a successful agricultural industry that produces world leading wines and produce. South Africa’s famous oranges are grown there. However, things aren’t always sunny in the cape. Like the rest of South Africa, crime has plagued its cities and towns. Cape Town is no exception, especially when much of its black population lives in poverty. Rolling blackouts have become a fact of life, even with the provincial government’s attempt to mitigate it with attempts to separate itself from the state energy company. For all its relatively superior competence, the Western Cape is not immune from African socialism. There is no sign of the ANC shifting from its intransigence. If Pretoria can’t even devolve policing powers to the provinces, what are the chances of Cape Town finally having the suite of abilities necessary to build a free society? If the men who meet in Cape Town’s parliamentary estate can’t have the humility to learn from the success of their meeting place, how do Capetonians expect their rulers to listen with a sympathetic ear.

Part 4: Independence

Black majority rule has failed. A decade and a half or so of otherwise decent progress has not created the broad black middle class that many expected. Even with whites continuing to leave South Africa in droves, white people still dominate management positions in the private sector. White people still live in the nicest neighborhoods, hold down the best paying jobs, and still have the benefit of enjoying an enviable standard of living. Self-segregation has arguably worsened with wealthy Afrikaners and Anglos living in a closed bubble of private schools, private security, Malawian nannies, and Zimbabwean cooks. The ANC knows that its time in power is nearing its end. Voters, angry with the lack of economic development, are now beginning to throw their lot with the radical Economic Freedom Fighters. The 3rd dispensation will end sooner rather than later.

However, liberalism faces no prospect of recovering. The Democratic Alliance, having failed to breakthrough with black voters, has been stagnating in the mid-twenties. While most of South Africa’s talented policymakers commit themselves to the political grind, South Africans are clearly skeptical that a non-racialist liberal government could pay them dividends. That leaves the Western Cape, South Africa’s most developed province, a startling choice. They can continue to pray for a miraculous change of heart, or they can secede from the state. The time for choosing is fast approaching and the opportunity to free themselves will not last forever. Pray for them, as they must find the strength to pursue whatever road they choose. 

This is Lap Gong Leong for Springtime of Nations.

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